Chapter 18 Annotated Outline

I.        The Politics of the Status Quo, 1877–1893

A.  The National Scene

1.   There were five presidents from 1877 to 1893:

Rutherford B. Hayes ®, James A. Garfield ®, Chester A. Arthur ®, Grover Cleveland (D), and Benjamin Harrison ®.

2.   The president’s biggest job was to dispense political patronage; after the assassination of President Garfield in 1881, reform of the spoils system became urgent even though the spoils system was not the immediate motive for the murder.

3.   The Pendleton Act of 1883 created a list of jobs to be filled on the basis of examinations administered by the new Civil Service Commission, but patronage still accounted for the bulk of government posts.

4.   The biggest job of the executive branch was delivering the mail; in 1880, 56 percent of federal employees worked for the post office.

5.   One of the most troublesome issues of the 1880s was how to reduce the federal funding surplus created by customs duties and excise taxes.

6.   Congress had more control over national policy than the presidents; even so, on most issues of the day, divisions on policy occurred within the parties, not between them.

7.   The tariff remained a fighting issue in Congress as the Democrats attacked Republican protectionism; each tariff bill was a patchwork of bargains among special interests.

8.   Every presidential election from 1876 to 1892 was decided by a thin margin, and neither party gained permanent command of Congress.

9.   The weakening of principled politics was evident after 1877, as Republicans backpedaled on the race issue and abandoned blacks to their own fate.

B.   The Ideology of Individualism

1.   In the 1880s the economic doctrine of laissez faire was the belief that the less government did, the better.

2.   Popular writings abounded with rags-to-riches stories, like the novels of Horatio Alger and innumerable success manuals. Also popular were Carnegie’s autobiography Triumphant Democracy and sermons praising wealth, including Bishop Lawrence’s assurance that “Godliness is in leage with riches” and Russell H. Conwell’s “Acres of Diamonds.”

3.   Charles Darwin’s Origin of Species (1859) explained a process of evolution called natural selection and created a revolution in biology.

4.   Herbert Spencer’s theory of social Darwinism spun out an elaborate analysis of how human society had evolved through competition and “survival of the fittest” — millionaires being the fittest.

5.   Social Darwinists regarded any governmental interference on behalf of the “unfit” as destructive to “natural” social processes.

C.  The Supremacy of the Courts

1.   Suspicion of government paralyzed political initiative and shifted power away from the executive and legislative branches.

2.   From the 1870s onward, the courts increasingly became the guardians of the rights of private property against the grasping tentacles of government, especially state governments.

3.   State governments had primary responsibility for social welfare and economic regulation, but it was difficult to strike a balance between state responsibility and the rights of individuals.

4.   Used by the Supreme Court, the Fourteenth Amendment was a powerful restraint on the states in the use of their police powers in order to regulate private business.

5.   Judicial supremacy reflected how dominant the ideology of individualism had become and also how low American politicians had fallen in the esteem of their countrymen.

II.       Politics and the People

A.  Cultural Politics: Party, Religion, and Ethnicity

1.   Proportionately more voters turned out in presidential elections from 1876 to 1892 than at any other time in American history.

2.   In an age before movies and radio, politics ranked as one of the great American forms of entertainment, yet party loyalty was a deadly serious matter.

3.   Sectional differences, religion, and ethnicity often determined party loyalty; northern Democrats tended to be foreign-born and Catholic, and Republicans tended to be nativeborn and Protestant.

4.   Hot social issues — education, the liquor question, and observance of the Sabbath —were also party issues and lent deep significance to party affiliation.

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B.   Organizational Politics

1.   By the 1870s, both parties had evolved formal, well-organized structures.

2.   The parties were run by unofficial internal organizations

·        “political machines” — that

consisted of insiders willing to do party work in exchange for public jobs or connections.

3.   Power brokerage being their main interest, party bosses treated public issues as somewhat irrelevant.

4.   There was intense factionalism within the parties; in 1877 the Republican Party divided into the Stalwarts and the Halfbreeds, who were really fighting over the spoils of party politics.

5.   Veterans of machine politics proved to be effective legislators and congressmen, and party machines did informally much of what governmental systems left undone. However, political machines never won widespread approval.

6.   In 1884, some Republicans left their party and became known as Mugwumps, a term referring to pompous or self-important persons.

7.   The Mugwumps controlled newspapers and journals that shaped public opinion. They registered their biggest success in the battle for the secret ballot. Adopted in the early 1890s, the secret ballot freed voters from party surveillance as they exercised the right to vote.

8.   Mugwumps were reformers but not on behalf of working people or the poor; true to the spirit of the age, they believed that the government that governed least, governed best.

C.  Women’s Political Culture

1.   Due to the nature of party politics, it was considered to be no place for women.

2.   The woman suffrage movement met fierce opposition; suffragists abandoned their efforts to get a constitutional amendment and concentrated on state campaigns.

3.   Since many of the women’s social goals required state intervention, women’s organizations became politically active and sought to create their own political sphere.

4.   Women’s organizations worked to end prostitution, assisted the poor, agitated for prison reform, and tried to improve educational opportunities for women.

5.   The Women’s Christian Temperance Union (WCTU) was formed in 1874 to combat alcoholism, and later, under the guidance of Frances Willard, the WCTU adopted a “Do Everything” policy.

6.   The WCTU was drawn to woman suffrage, arguing that women needed the vote in order to fulfill their social and spiritual responsibilities as women—an argument that did not pose a threat to masculine pride.

7.   By linking women’s social concerns to women’s political participation, the WCTU helped to lay the groundwork for a fresh attack on male electoral politics in the early twentieth century.

III.      Race and Politics in the New South

A.  Biracial Politics

1.   When Reconstruction ended in 1877, blacks had not been driven from politics—but they did not participate on equal terms with whites and were routinely intimidated during political campaigns.

2.   After the Civil War, southern Democrats felt they had “redeemed” the South from Republican domination; hence, they adopted the name “Redeemers.”

3.   The Republican Party in the South soldiered on, aided by a key Democrat vulnerability: the gap between the Redemption claims of universality and its actual domination by the South’s economic elite.

4.   The Civil War brought out differences between the planter elite and the farmers who were called on to shed blood for a slaveholding system in which they had no interest.

5.   After the Civil War, class tensions were exacerbated by the spread of farm tenancy, instead of farm ownership, and the emergence of the low-wage factory.

6.   In Virginia, the “Readjusters” expressed agrarian discontent by opposing repayment of Reconstruction debts to speculators.

7.   As an insurgence against the Democrats accelerated, the question of black participation in politics and interracial solidarity became critical.

8.   Black farmers developed a political structure of their own, the Colored Farmers’ Alliance, which made black voters a factor in the political calculations of southern Populists.

B.   One-Party Rule Triumphant

1.   The conservative Democrats paraded as the “white man’s party” and denounced the Populists for promoting “Negro rule,” yet they shamelessly competed for the black vote.

2.   Mischief at the polls—counting the votes of blacks that were dead or gone—enabled the Democrats to beat back the Populists in the 1892 elections.

3.   Disenfranchising the blacks became a potent movement in the South; in 1890,Mississippi adopted a literacy test that effectively drove blacks out of politics.

38 Chapter 18 The Politics of Late Nineteenth-Century America

4.   Poor whites turned their fury on the blacks; they did not want to be disenfranchised by their own lack of education and expected lenient enforcement of the literacy test.

5.   Tom Watson, once a fervent Georgia Populist, reversed his position, largely to save his political career. Rallying poor whites, he appealed not to their class interests but to their racial prejudices.

6.   Segregated seating in trains in the late 1880s set a precedent for the legal separation of the races; Jim Crow laws soon applied to every type of public facility.

7.   In Plessy v. Ferguson (1896), the Supreme Court upheld the constitutionality of “separate-but-equal” segregation.

8.   Williams v.Mississippi (1898) validated the disenfranchising devices of southern states, as long as race was not a specified criterion for disfranchisement.

9.   Race hatred in the South manifested itself in a wave of lynching and race riots, and public vilification of blacks became commonplace.

C.  Resisting White Supremacy

1.   Southern blacks resisted white supremacy as best they could; beginning in 1891, blacks boycotted segregated streetcars in at least twentyfive cities; Ida Wells began her antilynching campaign.

2.   Some blacks were drawn to the Back to Africa movement, but emigration was not a viable choice.

3.   The foremost black leader of his day, Booker T.

Washington, spread a doctrine that was seen as being “accommodationist”; it was known as the Atlanta Compromise.

4.   Washington’s Tuskegee Institute in Alabama advocated industrial education, and Washington thought that black economic progress was the key to winning political and civil rights.

5.   Younger educated blacks thought Washington was conceding too much, and blacks became impatient with his silence on segregation and lynching.

6.   By 1915,Washington’s approach had been replaced with a more militant strategy, relying on the courts and political protest rather than black self-help and accommodation.

IV.     The Crisis of American Politics: The 1890s

A.  The Populist Revolt

1.   Farmers needed organization to overcome their social isolation and to provide economic services—hence, the appeal of the Granger movement and later the farmers’ alliances.

2.   Two dominant organizations emerged: the Farmers’ Alliance of the Northwest and the National (or Southern) Farmers’ Alliance.

3.   The Texas Alliance struck out in politics independently after its subtreasury plan was rejected by the Democratic Party as being too radical.

4.   As state alliances grew stronger and more impatient, they began to field independent slates; the national People’s (Populist) Party was formed in 1892.

5.   In 1892 the Populist’s presidential candidate, James B.Weaver, captured enough votes to make it clear that the agrarian protest could be a challenge to the two-party system.

6.   Although the Populist Party welcomed women, its platform was silent on woman suffrage.

7.   Populism differed from the two mainstream parties in that it had a positive attitude toward government, and it acknowledged the conflict between capital and labor.

8.   Free silver emerged as the overriding demand of the Populist Party and the Omaha Platform; embattled farmers hoped that an increase in the money supply would raise farm prices and give them relief.

9.   Social Democrats and agrarian radicals argued that if free silver became the defining party issue, it would undercut the broader Populist program and alienate wage earners.

10. The practical appeal of silver was too great, and the Populists fatally compromised their party’s capacity to maintain an independent existence.

B.   Money and Politics

1.   The U.S. Banking Act of 1863 curtailed the issuance of banknotes, and in 1875 the circulation of greenbacks came to an end. The United States entered an era of chronic deflation.

2.   The United States had always operated on a bimetallic standard, but silver became more valuable as metal than as money; in 1873, silver was officially dropped as a medium of exchange.

3.   When silver prices plummeted, inflationists began to agitate for a resumption of the bimetallic policy; modest victories were won with the Bland-Allison Act of 1878 and the Sherman Silver Purchase Act of 1890.

4.   When the crash of 1893 hit, the silver issue divided politics along party lines, with the Democrats bearing the brunt of the responsibility for handling the economic crisis.

5.   Grover Cleveland, a sound-money man, did a poor job of handling the crisis; he had to aban-

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don a silver-based currency and had Congress repeal the Sherman Silver Purchase Act.

6.   Cleveland’s secret negotiations with Wall Street to arrange for gold purchases in order to replenish the treasury enraged Democrats and completed his isolation from his party.

7.   In his “Cross of Gold” speech in 1896, the Democratic nomination ofWilliam Jennings Bryan established the Democrats as the party of free silver.

8.   The Populists accepted Bryan as their candidate and found themselves for all practical purposes absorbed into the Democratic silver campaign.

9.   The Republicans’ candidate,William McKinley, won the election;McKinley stood solidly for high tariffs, honest money, and prosperity.

10. When McKinley won the election, Republicans became the nation’s majority party, and electoral politics regained its place as an arena for national debate.

11. Populism faded away, as did the issue of free silver—the issue upon which the party had staked its fate.

12. In 1897 the world market for agricultural commodities turned favorable and a new spirit of optimism took hold in the “golden age” of American agriculture before World War I.

Lecture Strategies

1.   Discuss the American political scene from the presidency of Rutherford B. Hayes to the election of William McKinley. Points to cover include the limited function of the federal government and the presidency; the Mugwumps; party deadlock, especially in Congress; ethnocultural politics; the Populists; and the developing woman suffrage movement.

2.   Analyze the “ideology of individualism.” Define “individualism” as it was understood at the time. Explain the principles of social Darwinism and the activities of the courts in this regard. Explore the connection between the ideology of individualism and the idea of the American dream.

3.   Explain the American fascination with politics in the 1870s and 1880s and note the importance of party loyalty. Explain how the parties divided along ethnic and religious lines as well as people’s attitudes toward public morality issues.

4.   A lecture on the Populist revolt provides a good opportunity to bring together discordant points in the chapter. For example, one can tie the quest for woman suffrage to the significant role women played in the Populist movement. Similarly, the hardships of agriculture can be linked to the issue of race, as exemplified by the Colored Farmers’ Alliance’s coexistence with the Southern Farmers’ Alliance. The rural-urban or farmer-wage earner split is a natural point to make. The contrast between the diminishing economic importance of the agricultural sector and the rise of industrialism should be discussed.

5.   The importance of the 1896 presidential election makes it a worthwhile lecture topic. Significant points to emphasize include how the election broke a political deadlock and created a Republican ascendancy, the sectional nature of the voting, the role of the currency standard in the campaign, the importance of the economy to voters, and a comparison of the campaigns of William Jennings Bryan and William McKinley.